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In what obtained if other dates had been used. However, one benefit follows, I have made some attempt to do precisely that, that arose from choosing these politically determined dates although less general examples are also considered. Although the sampling procedure is perhaps not ideal, 2.
English Dictionary OEDS using the following Using a test of statistical significance called a chi-square method. The single-digit number 5 was chosen at random test, the three samples were compared on two different from a table of random numbers. Every fifth word was dimensions.
First, I considered the source of the vocabulary: taken from each double page of the OEDS, providing that were the words coined from English resources or borrowed from f?
Secondly, I compared the types of 1. The word was not an addition to an entry in the first formatIons used In the words coined from English resources. Each of these will be dealt with separately below. Even with the amount Source Total of clustering shown in Table 2. Table 2. The same data is presented 5. Figure 2. Greek 30 19 14 63 Statistically speaking it is clear that the distribution of 3. The major shift in this period is an Slavic 6 5 7 18 increase in the number of words created from the resources 0.
The decrease in loans from 'other 0. The large 1. The difference is accounted for 1. Why there should be 4. I shall not pursue this The conclusion is, therefore, that there is a decrease in the amount of borrowing of vocabulary during the Q Why should the main donor languages of the past no longer be twentieth century, especially from those languages which such popular sources for new words as they were at the beginning have been the main donor languages in the past.
These particular groupings were chosen to be linguisti- impinging on our own these days; perhaps fewer people cally justifiable, while at the same time providing large speak French or Latin; perhaps it is simply that more words enough figures in each cell for the statistical processes to be are being coined from English elements.
You may have meaningful. Some of these you can check and acronyms; 'shortenings' comprise back-formations and from the data given here; others it may be possible to clippings; 'other' comprises a large group of other types evaluate in terms of other data for instance, has the number of formation, including corruptions, word-manufacture, of people taking high-school French dropped in the last fifty reduplication, onomatopoeic words, phrases, and so on: years or so?
As before, the objectively. Which class do your suggestions fall into? Words are not all formed in the same ways. The word This time the three distributions are significantly waitnik is formed by adding a suffix -nik to a base wait; de- different at the 0.
Total It is compounds. Given the absolute numbers the not necessary to discuss vocabulary change in the kinds of decrease in the numbers of suffixations must be consIdered category mentioned in section 2. This is an important the most important of these trends, though the increase in principle, and the findings that have been put forward here the non-morphological types is an interesting tre. The specific results they show. Algeo , in a change taking place as it happens.
This involves collecting random sample of words from Barn 1, found that nonce-words as they occur, rather than simply looking in approximately 30 per cent of new words were compounds.
One obvious In order to have a basis for comparison, a survey of explanation is that different criteria for selection of words nineteenth century formations in -ee was made from the might have been used by the different authorities. Despite OED 1. This survey was carried out on the basis of the CD- this, we must assume that the criteria for selection are Rom version of OED 1, and every word listed in the consistent throughout the OEDS and that like has been etymology as having the suffix -ee and with a first citation compared with like in the experiment discussed above.
There were such words. All the relevant words denoted human beings. The breakdown of the words collected, in terms of 2. The words which are listed as 'none of these' patterns Marchand , pp.
This set of data is not strictly comparable to the one collected for the nineteenth century. The nineteenth That is, appointee is understood as 'someone whom century corpus was collected entirely from OED 1.
Rather, the corpus of words object of pay, or the object of the preposition to. Marchand presented in Table 2. The direct object of the active verb have 'recently come into sources cited are the earliest I have found. Although the favor', and then also notes, extremely briefly, that 'A few majority of the words cited denote human beings, an impor- words have a non-passive character' citing examples such as tant minority do not, and they are marked with a dagger.
Subsequently, in Bauer , I reported the arrival of a Direct object 54 new meaning for the suffix, with nouns in -ee being used to Object of a preposition 28 denote non-humans, especially in technical terms in linguis- Subject 2 None of these 16 tics. Gaining the deserted street. Nevertheless, some of them may seem more 'normal' to you than pumpee BBMM I decided to be the pumper [for others. Some may strike you as being totally impossible.
Go information] not the pumpee. Does your marking correspond to any structural feature of the words? A Your responses to these words may depend on who you are and where you live. I clearly object of a preposition is falling in this century, while the cannot predict whether your reactions will depend on number of subject formations is on the increase. That the whether the noun denotes the subject or object or use of -ee to derive subject nouns is basically a twentieth- prepositional object of the verb, or on whether it denotes a century phenomenon is confirmed by the fact that the two human or non-human entity; it would not be surprising, nineteenth-century subject formations are first attested in though, if this were one factor out of several which affected and The use of -ee to denote inanimate entities is your judgement.
The earliest date for such a word in Table 2. Their adherence to the various syntactic categories being used earlier in the decade. For instance, an editorial is given in Table 2. The words listed as 'Ambiguous' in Table 2. That these words They are charteree, retiree and returnee. It is not clear whether make up 18 per cent of the twentieth century corpus is a charteree should be glossed as 'a person who charters a astounding, even taking into account the fact that they boat' or 'a person to whom a boat is chartered', since charter occur in a domain Linguistics where I read a relatively allows both uses.
Is a retiree 'a person who retires' or 'a large amount. In this case, the correct gloss These two differences are so striking that they probably is probably 'a person who is retired', but that sentence is not reflect genuine changes, despite the strict incomparability of usually understood as being passive cp.
We have retired three the two bodies of data. The shift away from using -ee to workers this week , but rather as containing an adjective. The derive prepositional object words is less clearly significant, OEDS glosses returnee as 'onc: who returns or is returned but may also indicate a specialization of -ee formations.
Mergee is another word which could be ambiguous, but I treated it as meaning 'one who a firm Reading and References merges with', and being a case of object of a preposition. From a comparison of Tables 2. I think it must have appeared originally in New Zealand in mid It can be fascinating simply to Source: Based on Table 2.
Why are there differences in the word lists? Although the discussion there is not primarily diachronic in nature, it can be reinterpreted as a diachronic study of the behaviour of two affixes in the course of this century.
Other formatives which appear to have developed significantly during this century include -burger, -gate, - 0 holic, -mobile, -scape, -teria, - a thon.
There also seems to have been a change in the use of plural attributives drugs courier versus drug courier. Exercises 1. Choose any of the formatives listed in the Notes section above, and look for evidence of change in the use of that formative in the course of this century.
Data, and in some cases commentary, can be found in the OEDS, in dic- tionaries of new words, including Barn 1 and Barn 2, and in the following specific sources with the references they give : for words with -gate see Algeo and Doyle a and Barnhart For words with - o holic, see Algeo and Doyle b and Kolin For words with -mobile see Aldrich and Gold For words with -scape, see Aldrich and Gold For plural attributive nouns see Dierickx and Mutt Stein gives earlier references for many affixes.
Try to classify the words according to whether they are loans or formed from the resources of English, and, if the latter, according to the type of formation used. Choose any two of the dictionaries of new words listed in the Reading and References section above. This does not, however, mean that corpora are not useful in Grammatical change linguistic research; in many cases they are the only way of finding reliable data.
What it does mean is that you have to evaluate the reliability and suitability of a particular corpus with regard to a particular point of interest when you consider the results that are obtained. The corpus taken from leading articles in The Times is no different from other 3. Other corpora of data will vso be referred to in what In order to answer questions about grammatical follows, but the data from The Times will be referred to as which have taken place in the course of the twentIeth The Times corpus.
A type of data was needed whIch was Q How would you go about looking for change in English likely to have remained fairly the grammar? Would you need a corpus of data? Why not? What century. The editorials or 'leading artIcles m.
The Times of benefits arise from using your method? London seemed to fulfil this criterion. Accordmgly, I chose a month at random it happened to be March and t? No papers Even a series of anecdotes about what people used to say considered; they did not exist at the beginnmg of the tIme and you can't assume that such anecdotes are accurate period.
The years selected were , , and. Using a corpus of the type I used means that up until was, of co,:rse, not strictly speakmg m the data can be checked and the experiments replicated by the twentieth century, but thIS keeps the figures round others.
It leads to relatively precise and objectively verifiable ones. By this method, ten texts for each of 18 years were statements about change. Not all of these texts were of equal length, but even the shortest was made up of 3. The amount of text considered, had it been printed in the same size of type as In English there are two ways of marking the comparative this book would have covered over pages.
Generally speaking, mono- It be easy to find other ways of selecting syllabic adjectives except ones like marked, prized which are appropriate data. The idea behind the system chosen w. It will be seen in what follo,:,"s for the comparative, and the word most for the superlative: that these goals were only partly To a important, more important, most important.
This leaves disyl- extent this can be attributed to Murphy s Law, whIch labic adjectives unaccounted for. Some disyllabic adjectives to corpus studies as to other aspects. When take -er, -est while others take more, most. Some vary applying to corpora, it states that a corpus wIll never be the between the two usages.
Discussion will thus be in terms of suffixed is equivalent to very. Care must be taken to. Apart from this constructions apart. There are also constructlOns wIth more change from suffixation to periphrasis in the marking of and most which are structurally ambiguous between mark- comparison on disyllabic adjectives, both Barber and Potter ing comparison and not marking Consider.
The cartdldate monosyllabic adjectives forms like most just , and the with most valid votes 10 March means wIth most votes increased use of periphrasis in expressions like most well- which are valid' rather than 'with votes which are most knowrt rather than best-known.
Neither of these points will be valid' and is not a genuine superlative. In other examples it considered in the text, but there are some very brief is to tell. The French artxious to have comments in the Notes section at the end of the chapter. Again, care must be taken wIth second syllable take the suffixed comparative, as do 'many such examples. As are more likely to take the periphrastic form if they end in a Potter says: 'heavy consonant-group', a consonantal cluster.
It will be noted that Sweet leaves a lot of room for alternatives. A This change may be seen as another manifestation. According to this source the which has been going on for thousands of years In the hIstory of monosyllabic adjectives real, right, wrong and like always our language from Indo-European to modern English.
Some disyllabic adjectives such as more commort. As Strang , p. The use of Table 3. In any case, the evidence is rather patchy, since there are more cases of comparison attested in the in American Er:glish, and also in the hope of early years of the century than in later years. This means provldmg a I? This one involved reading The New simply not provided by the data see the data presented in York TImes for January Starting with Table 3.
Moreover, there is no clear trend observable o. The ratio dlsyllablc adJectlve m the comparative or superlative, until I of suffixed to periphrastic comparatives for the 17 words had collected tokens from each source. This brought me listed above is higher in the period than in either the paper of 12 January , and to the end of section B the period or the period The evidence, m paper 3 January The discrepancy is due to therefore, is far from clear, with only the slightest evidence the mcreased Slze of the papers; both collections included a of a change towards the periphrastic comparative in the Sunday paper.
Inevitably, there will have been forms that I majority of those words which are attested with both missed in my reading, though this should not matter a great forms. Data from The Times corpus will be quiet considered first.
In Table 3. Here we see periphrastic comparison becoming the preferred way of making com- parison for adjectives ending in the suffix -ly. The figures in Table 3. As another way of seeing how accurate the descriptive Such a generalization does not hold before Secondly, rules given above are for English in the s, consider the it is striking how many of the forms with suffixed comparison end in syllabic III spelled -le.
For the latter part Table 3. Finally, note from Table 3. It would be nice if there was clear evidence that the three relevant words in this class were Suffixed Bitter is attested only once with the suffixed comparative: in Remote shows vacillation all through the century, but is possibly moving towards Table 3.
Evidence on robust is too scarce to and periphrastic comparatives made show anything, since it is only attested after By the end of the century, the rules are becoming more fixed. Disyllabic Suffixed 5. Which English comprises approximately 1. Do your class-mates agree? Do you of text written or published in New Zealand in the years agree with the tentative conclusion reached in this section or not?
Since New Zealand English is being described here, there is no necessary reason for it to fit generalizations A If you do not agree, see if you can formulate a better based on British and American English.
However, of generalization. Do the words you disagree about have cases of comparison of disyllabic adjectives excluding those anything in common? Hotel, the remotest English grammar. Received wisdom on the subject is that hotel in mainland Britain' I found the suffixed comparison there is 'notional concord': if the team, for example, is worthy of note; this is one of the remnants which still viewed as an entity, then singular concord is used, and we vacillates in general usage, though I must be subcon- find sentences like The team is losing its grip; if the team is sciously operating on the new rules for this word.
Barber viewed as a collection of individuals, then plural concord is and Potter were, at an earlier stage in the century, struck by used and we get sentences like The team are taking their the use of common with an periphrastic comparative.
This places. Note that these example sentences include concord one has settled down into the new paradigms in the course with pronouns as well as verbal concord. Because there is still variability in the way the this area, since any apparent change would have to be general rules are applied, it is possible to find both explained as a change in perception of teams, committees, innovative and conservative forms which still sound a little and so on.
That this is not the whole story is shown by the unusual: fact that different varieties of English use different patterns of concord with these nouns. Quirk et al. It's modester p. WHTM, p. Either this means that American speakers all Garishest wine bar for miles. It is under this assumption that collective nouns in The Times corpus were The change in the course of this century appears to have analysed with respect to the concord they show.
The been only incidentally an increase in the use of periphrastic concord for any given noun was counted once only in any comparison. Rather, the change has been a regularization of sentence except where both singular and plural concord a confused situation, so that it is becoming more predictable which form of comparison must be used.
Before the results of this analysis are presented, a warning needs to be sounded about the results. Less formal styles of writing and different contexts might give very different results. For example, there is a certain amount of evidence that in New 90 Zealand newspaper reports, the editorial pages and the sports pages are different with respect to this variable.
There 80 is no a priori reason why the same should not be true of The Times, nor why The Times should not show a different pattern of variation. The results that are obtained here are 70 thus only indicative of the state of affairs in this particular type of English. How far they can be generalized to other 60 types of English is an open question. If there is change in formal English, what if anything is it likely to imply about less formal 30 English?
A If there is no change in formal English we cannot 20 conclude anything about what is happening in less formal English. But if there is change in formal English, we would 10 expect to find a greater degree of change in less formal English. We expect formal varieties to be the most conservative. The noun team, for example, only occurs once in my data, so that no change that although it is not possible to predict with any accuracy or pattern of change emerges for that word.
This is simply a whether singular or plural concord will be used on any failure of the data: editorials in The Times appear not to given occasion, or even how much singular concord will be discuss teams very often, although they would presumably used in any given text, there appears to be a general trend be discussed more frequently in the sports pages. This interpreta- In the course of the twentieth century, in editorials tion of events is supported to some extent by the fact that it from The Times, there appears to be an increasing tendency is possible to find collective nouns which are used towards singular concord with collective nouns.
This is exclusively with singular concord in the data industry, press, illustrated in Figure 3. The tendency is century, but only with singular concord later in the century. Majority and youth are the only recurrent collective nouns attested only with plural concord, A You would expect it to be any government except the and majority occurs only four times in the corpus, youth only British government. By far the most frequent collective noun in this corpus In the case of government, therefore, there is a clear is the noun government.
As far as government is concerned in development from a state of confusion at the beginning of this corpus, a fairly clear pattern of development can be the century, through a stage where the variation is traced. This development falls into three distinct phases. Up interpreted as being meaning-bearing, and finally to a stage until about , government is used fairly freely with either where the variation is decreasing in favour of grammatical singular or plural concord, plural concord being the as opposed to semantic or notional concord.
Between about and the Given that this trend is observable for the word singular and plural cases are distinguished: as a general rule, government, and that government is also the most frequent plural concord is used with the British government, and collective noun in the corpus, it is worth considering what singular concord is used with foreign governments. This is the trend looks like when government is not included in the not a hard and fast rule, but the numbers found are given in data.
The pattern is presented in Figure 3. In Figure 3. In the last period, from about onwards, the there appears to be a sudden increase in singular concord preferred concord with government is always singular, round about , with the proportions remaining fairly independent of the meaning, though some traces of the constant since that time.
It thus appears that the major earlier pattern can still be found. There is, in the data I have presented here, no evidence about how this change took Table 3. Note, however, that is too early for the influence of Year British government Non-British government American English to have been a major factor in this Singular Plural Singular Plural change: most British speakers were not familiar with American English until the Second World War or later.
Before , very few people could afford to Total 13 65 18 cross the Atlantic. Relative clauses, or adjectival clauses, are clauses which modify or describe nouns. The italicized clauses in 1 are relative clauses: 90 1. First, there are three distinct types of relative marker in English: words which begin with wh- who, whom, whose, 40 which , as in la-e , the word that, as in 1g and an absence of any relative marker, which we call a ZERO RELATIVE as 30 in 1t.
We analyse the sentences in 1 as containing two 10 clauses: the matrix clause for example The girl let everyone know in la and a relative clause. In all these sentences, there is one noun which is understood to play a role in both clauses, and which thus forms part of each clause. So in la Year the girl is the subject of the matrix clause.
Because we understand the relative clause to mean 'the girl saw it', we Figure 3. Now consider only about ten years old. While the printe? In this sentence the girl is again the subject of the popular music clearly did have an effect 1ll terms of matrix clause, but there the relative clause is understood to vocabulary before that time, reactions to the speech of mean 'I saw the girl', where the girl functions as the direct American servicemen in Britain during the war suggests object.
In talking about relativization, we need two pieces of that the effect had not been all that great in other areas, and even in the area of vocabulary had not been all-pervasive. It goes before the relative 3. The syntactic function of the understood noun tells us about the In order to be able to consider whether there is change type of relative clause. If the understood noun is the subject affecting English relative clauses, if so what. In Sb the preposition is said to be stranded at the end Relativization on the subject complement is possible, as in of the relative clause, while in Sa the preposition has been moved to the head of the relative clause, along with the 2.
I very much admire the man that he has become. All other cases of relativization There are several difficulties involved in the identifica- are classed together in the bulk of this section as tion of relative clauses which mean that not all scholars relativization on oblique noun phrases, although further identify precisely the same set of clauses as being relative subdivisions are possible and valuable for many purposes.
The distinction between restrictive and non- restrictive, mentioned above, is one such difficulty. For example, who and which tive clauses.
The distinction is sometimes marked in careful also introduce indirect questions. He wondered who would come. Consider the following two examples: They didn't know which was important.
In 3a all the girls we are talking about were very b I know that he came. In 3b only those girls who d The problem that we don't know how to begin to were intelligent played croquet well and implicitly some answer the question has held us up. Standard 8. He knew what he wanted varieties of English distinguish grammatically between the have been ignored in the work presented here, though there two types in that the use of that as a relative marker is not might also be changes in them.
Crucial for the description b The girls that were very intelligent played croquet of English relative clauses is the position which is relativized well. Where a subject is relativized on, the marker is who only if the antecedent is In the bulk of this section, only restrictive relative clauses human, which only if the antecedent is not human, and that will be considered.
Consider the following two examples: when the antecedent is human, which only when the 5. In from this that there is no change in standard twentieth- other oblique cases, whom or which may be used, dependent century English in the construction of relative clauses.
This on the human-ness of the antecedent, or either that or zero could, therefore, be the end of the matter, except that this may be used. Preposition stranding is optional with which result does not match my expectations. I chose relative and whom, but obligatory with that and zero. Under clauses as an area of study because, on the basis of non- appropriate semantic conditions, there is a type of incor- systematic but informed observation over a number of poration of the preposition and the relative marker, and years, it seemed to me that this was an area where there was relative clauses on oblique noun phrases are found with change taking place.
I could, of course, be wrong in my markers where, when, why as in impressions, but a conclusion that there is no change at all is, for this reason, unsatisfactory to me. I note in particular 9. The table where he was sitting was reserved. The reason why nobody came was fairly obvious. Accordingly, I constructed another corpus. This corpus The rules given above represent a compact description was constructed by taking The Times and the Daily Mail of what happens in fairly formal, conservative, standard for the entire month of September a month chosen English.
We turn now to consider the ways in which this ahead of publication and selecting matching stories from pattern can be seen to be changing during the twentieth each paper. News, sports, editorial and television columns century. The editorial columns for both papers were included indepen- Q Which of the following sentences contain restnctlve relative dent of subject, and the television columns independent of clauses, and in which of those is there relativization on the subject?
Only a small number 1. I know who I trust. The fact that I trust her is well-known. This woman, who I trust implicitly, is my wife.
The person who I trust has never let me down. Following the results obtained by Bell see 5. Who should I trust? The man who trusts her is wise. It is thus predicted that the language of The A Only 4 and 6 contain restrictive relative clauses, and Times will be more conservative than the language of the only in 6 is there relativization on the subject. Daily Mail, since The Times is aimed at a higher social class than is the Daily Mail, and other things being equal, In theory, changes are possible in terms of the positions innovation is expected to be shown earlier in the language that can be relativized on, the relative markers used, the of lower social classes.
This general point and some classes amount of preposition stranding, or in the use of particular of exceptions to it were mentioned in section 1.
This was The results are disappointing in the light of my belief checked against data from The Times corpus, considering that there is change on-going in this area: with a corpus of only the material from one year in each decade , , restrictive relative clauses from the Daily Mail and , There was no evidence of change on any from The Times, the differences between the two corpora of these parameters. There is plenty of variation, but no are generally not statistically significant.
The only clear pattern of variation that can be interpreted as change. Now, there is, as was implied above, no human nouns.
It is still not clear whether this indicates a significant difference in the overall numbers of wh-, that and change in progress. Overall, it seems more likely that the zero relatives in the two September corpora. It is also difference is one of style, with a more formal style in The generally the case in English that a larger percentage of Times permitting the wider use of an unusual construction, relatives on subjects use wh- words than do relatives on a non-human subject.
There is independent evidence that non-subjects. It thus follows that there must be a sig- unusual structures are more common in the speech of nificantly larger number of non-human antecedents with middle-class informants Kroch, , looks at phonological relative clauses in wh- in The Times than in the Daily Mail.
We must thus hypothesize that any change is a change away What is striking about the data in Table 3. Since, as has already been stated, there is relative clauses on human antecedents in the Daily Mail no evidence of change in the corpus, the implica- than in The Times is an interesting one. The most obvious tion is that the differences between the corpus on reason is that people were discussed more in the Daily Mail the one hand and the corpora on the other must derive than in The Times.
It must be remembered, however, that a from the inclusion of less formal material alongside the large number of the articles dealt with the same topics. It formal material such as is found in editorials. If this is the thus seems likely that the difference is a significant one in case, it is in line with changes observed by others.
What is less clear is whether reproduced in Table 3. What is particularly important this reflects a change in the language. It could instead be a about the figures in Table 3. For example, it change going on in at least American English with is well-known that agents and topics tend to appear in reference to the use of the zero relative marker. This change subject position in English, and thus tend to coincide.
They was not reflected in the difference between The Times and need not, but there is a tendency in this direction, no doubt the Daily Mail when each newspaper was dealing with caused partially by the tendency of people towards anthro- reasonably comparable topics. Percentage of zero relatives is po centrism.
The choice of 0 1. However, it must be borne in mind that direct percentage of direct objects quotation in a newspaper like The Times is not always as with 0 Some of it will almost certainly have come from press releases, which were probably composed in written rather than in spoken form. Other direct quotations are ostensibly from speakers of pattern, gradually taking over from the more explicit languages other than English, in which case the words cited pattern with relative pronouns.
Moreover, although will represent either an interpreter's realization of the Biesenbach-Lucas does not provide data on preposi- original language text, or the reporter's own translation. In tion stranding, her figures support the notion that the all of these cases, it might be expected that the result would proportion of zero relatives is increasing in American be more formal than genuine spoken English. It is thus English as well as in British English.
In this, my results and likely that the figures from direct quotations in The Times those of Biesenbach-Lucas directly contradict the findings of represent figures for a more formal variety than real spoken Kikai et al. Nevertheless, the figures, which are same' for a corpus of American English. This may be a presented in Table 3.
The clauses was collected, but they do not give sufficient details figures given in Table 3. Kikai et al. They also The figure for stranding is significant at the 0. Again, the different simply from random fluctuations in a single coherent data varieties of English sampled seem to be the most likely set - the others at the 0. Whether there is an implication Here, then, we have clear evidence that the number of here that the proportion of that relatives in British English is zero relatives is higher in less formal styles of British likely to increase is not clear.
English than in more formal styles, and also that the A different point, which does not emerge from the amount of preposition stranding is greater in less formal facts discussed so far, and which is difficult to pin down in styles. Given what we know about language change and text though it seems to reflect genuine user preference, is the formality, we would thus expect the increase in zero reluctance to use whom to relativize on a direct object.
In Seve[ riano Ballesteros] is Seve, a man not only whom you admire writing, you might use it in relative clauses, but probably and respect but who has a wonderful enthusiasm for these only where there is relativization on the object of a matches. You will recognize it as correct in a wider The Times, 23 September , p.
The decrease in the use of whom marking a direct object as a The movement towards preposition stranding has percentage of all relative clauses with human antecedents in created an odd kind of relative clause in spoken English, The Times corpus for and with the inclusion of the where the preposition is both stranded and moved to the figures from is significant at the 0.
Perhaps more suggestive is the fact that even in The Times, but also in the The order in which they went to the war in. Overheard from a Daily Mail, alternatives with who replacing whom appear in professional person print: There's one thing of which you can be sure of.
Paul McCartney A man who others have copied but never followed; always the I take it that this construction indicates hesitation between pacemaker, never the winner. If stranding becomes the norm, this construction is her life had died.
Strang , p. I give some frequently, that, but is not particularly common at all. In examples I have collected below: relative clauses today, whom is used virtually exclusively where there is relativization on obliques with no preposition It was the city gave us this job. It is one that must be carefully used before it self-destructs, taking Guess it's too late then for me. Even if I found somebody knew with it the people on whom Britain's future depends. The Times, 7 September , p. GWEM, p.
EMAP, p. Do Anybody thinks they came here for their health should go back to you think you would use it in questions? Would you make a school. Does it WDHO, p. Since such mediated by concord with collective nouns, which can be examples are common in Shakespeare's writing Romaine, either human or non-human as well as either singular or , p.
An example like the represents a survival in non-standard English, or whether it following shows the confusion: represents an innovation. If it spreads to standard English, it will be an innovation there, even if it is a reintroduction. The latest petrol rise has upset the transport industry, who expects it to affect cartage rates.
There is also another pattern whose status in standard RNZ, November English is not yet clear, although it appears to be spreading into standard English. It is characterized by lack of Finally, I find that many students believe that one agreement for human-ness between an antecedent noun and 'should' not use that with a human antecedent or whose with the relative marker. Where the antecedent noun is not a non-human antecedent. That is, they believe that The human and who m is used, this presumably represents woman that I love and The house whose walls need painting are personification.
But the use of which with human antece- undesirable as noun phrases. These notions apparently go dents is also increasingly found, especially in conversation. Since any alternative to whose with The first and perhaps the greatest battle for survival is fought amongst these million sperms only one of whom may succeed a non-human antecedent in appropriate constructions for in fertilizing the ovum.
Student essay, New Zealand, In my data, that relative clauses never account for more The result was that those First National customers which had than 2 per cent of relative clauses with human antecedents.
It is thus clearly not normal in such cases, even if it remains PETP, pp. There is no reliable evidence of We have two people who live on the groun'ds, one of which has a dog. Where whose is concerned, again the low numbers RNZ, 7 June prevent reliable conclusions. Of the tokens of whose in the September corpus from the Daily Mail, In the data from The Times corpus for which being frequent with human antecedents until the late plus the figures, there appears to be a trend seventeenth century consider the King James Bible's Our towards having a smaller percentage of tokens of whose Father, which art in Heaven Romaine, , p.
Again, referring to humans. This is an area where further research it is not clear whether this pattern has always existed in non- might produce some interesting results, but much larger standard forms and is being reintroduced as standard, or collections of data would be required if reliable answers whether it has vanished in between times. In either case, its were to be obtained, simply because of the rarity of whose.
There is a snag, though. US 2t n not stated 26 56 18 Romaine, , p. Since variation in itself is not Scottish 1 from The Scotsman Romaine, , p. In this table, figures on the percentage of zero relatives, GB from a 26, word sample from thc LOB corpus relatives with that, and wh- relatives from a number of Spoken: different sources are compared.
Comparable information is NZ from a 26, word sample of conversations and interviews not available from all sources, unfortunately, so a finer US 1 Kikai et aI. Her figures are so Scottish from interviews with teenagers and adults in Edinburgh Romaine, , p. But such change as there is during the differences might be. Note, however, that this does not twentieth century is certainly not dramatic. Algeo , p. If her figures are ignored, the other figures fall comments that rather more into line, although the distribution of that and Grammatical change English speakers wh- relatives in Guy and Bayley's data US 2 is con- have been saying 'It is me' since the sixteenth century, and now, siderably different from that in the other corpora.
Perhaps some four hundred years later, almost everybody says it, although the same point applies to their work. Certainly, in the other some still don't like it. What is important is that we can This definitely cannot be shown to be the case from these trace some change, even within this century. It thus seems figures, though. The low percentage of zero relatives in the that at least some of the variation in the use of relatives does Scottish data may be a result of non-restrictive relative indicate change.
It also makes the point that slow change clauses being included in the total. This is we should abandon the exercise. Romaine's data is almost with are towards the morphological end of grammar. There certainly all from people of lower socio-economic status are two reasons for this. There does, morphological construction than to spot a syntactic one.
In particular, being considered than when printed pages are being read. It is much harder to ask a sample of British spoken English. The contrary is the case, computer to find every noun clause. In the case of zero and this suggests a change in at least one of these varieties relatives, there would, quite literally, be nothing to ask the since about , when New Zealand was first colonized by computer to look for!
While this point is not strictly Europeans. If basis of computer analysis of machine-readable texts. Until relative clauses where the antecedent and the relative marker computer parsers improve their accuracy and power, this is do not agree for human-ness are indeed becoming more therefore likely to remain an important point. Even the rarest of style is intended to vary, it is important to make sure that it English phonemes can be expected to recur once in every varies as intended.
The material from the Daily Mail did thousand phonemes on average. This means, in round not show the expected contrast with the material from The figures, that we might expect to hear every phoneme in just Times in section 3. The same is also true if methods of over a minute's talk, on average. At this rate, even small comparison are analysed in The Times and the Daily Mail. Where For whatever reason, it seems that the choice of the Daily morphology is concerned, the rate of recurrence of Mail was not a good one, in terms of showing up particular affixes drops rapidly.
Some derivational affixes differences of style. It is clear, of course, that the Daily Mail recur extremely infrequently. And where syntax is con- is not the British daily which provides the greatest possible cerned, the rate of recurrence drops again, dramatically. The Times is Negated modals scarcely occurred in The Times corpus. In read mainly by the middle classes especially towards the order to find evidence of change, a large number of tokens upper end of the middle classes and by people in the of the construction under consideration is required.
But age-group. In contrast, the readership of the Daily Mail when the constructions recur so infrequently, this means comes mainly from the lower middle class and the upper that a large amount of text is necessary before any working class, and it is also read by a large number of conclusion on change can be confirmed. It has emerged people over the age of 65 Oucker, Papers like the from the discussion at various points that The Times corpus Daily Mirror or the Sun would have provided a greater was not really large enough.
The other corpora consulted contrast in terms of their readership, since they are read were smaller. For clear answers, corpora of several million mainly by the working classes and the young.
Nevertheless, words would be required. With corpora of that size, it might have been expected that the Daily Mail would have computer analysis becomes a necessity. Thus the size of the provided a greater contrast than we have found with The corpus required to provide definitive answers demands that Times. The fact that it does not in my data may be due to an questions be asked for which a computer can find the effect that is well-known to social dialectologists: the appropriate data.
It is a frequent finding in social One possible way out of this bind is to use data which dialectology that although the variables are generally has already been collected by other people. The precise method of analysis used by others class with the greatest aspirations to upward social mobility is not known in section 3.
If the language of been counted differently from the way in which my data the audience of the Daily Mail shows this feature, the result had been counted. The sources of the other data may not may be that the Daily Mail uses more standard and be comparable with each other.
The other scholars may not probably, therefore, more conservative variants than would have counted precisely the same thing for example, the otherwise be expected. There is no evidence that this is numbers from Romaine's work listed in section 3. Whatever the explanation, it should be As if this were not enough, there are other potential clear that the choice of material is crucial to the results sources of error.
It has been seen, especially in section 3. The problems of dealing with diachronic change in This is extremely difficult to do; in many cases there may be syntax are well-known, and account for how little work has no clear measure of what it means to keep the style level been done in this area in comparison with diachronic constant apart from the result of the experiment. Where phonology. As was some studies of English relative clauses distinguish more stated at the end of section 3.
This point was also illustrated with the Kikai et al. Shnukal reports on the use of zero changes to modal verbs discussed in section 1. The amount of change that can be variety. The fact that any On possible explanations for the apparent slowness of change at all can be traced may, in fact, be extremely grammatical change, see Hudson , p. Note, important, even though the results are not dramatic. It however, that grammatical changes have been found and would not necessarily be surprising if a syntactic change that commented on earlier in this chapter.
Notes The result of all this is that research into grammatical change, particularly within a short period, gives results 3. The trends do not seem as clear, the data is more The corpus from The New York Times provides very few open to objections of various kinds, the results have to be examples of periphrastic comparison with a monosyllabic hedged far more with provisos. This difference will become adjective, except where that adjective is participial: marked, clear when we look at sound change in Chapter 4.
Such a skilled, and so on. However, a significant number of those difference is inherent in the nature of language. Syntactic found end in a consonant cluster including a stop: apt, just, change is probably slower than phonological change because prompt, which suggests that this form is being used of the different frequencies of the constructions.
It is this preferentially by words with a particular phonological riifference that has dictated the changes that have been shape. There is no evidence in either of my corpora of the considered in this chapter. The fact that some fairly clear use of most well-known instead of best-known, ete. These results have been presented here is important, and the fact constructions appear to be found in less formal styles, that they are not as clear as might be desirable should not be including in the reporting of television journalists, for given too much weight.
In very informal styles, double comparatives, such as are common in Shakespeare's English, are still regularly found in many varieties: more heavier, most prettiest. These Reading and References probably have to be considered non-standard today. Perhaps the most thorough and There are reasons to suspect that the use of the subjunctive important work in this area, interesting for its theoretical is also subject to change, but it was not possible to show approach as well as its results on change, is Romaine For a full discussion of this, not An earlier work, although against a now out-dated only would it be necessary to find the places where theoretical background, is Klima Since it is much harder those that relativize on subjects, objects and obliques, see to spot things which are not there than things which are, Keenan and Comrie Following Keenan and Comrie, this was not attempted.
There was simply not own' does not prevent the first of these. Going to expressing future time hardly ever the change from Mrs Thatcher, the Prime Minister, to Prime occurred. Similar comments hold for the negatives of Minister Margaret Thatcher.
For some discussion, see Bell modals, especially semi-modals such as dare, need, ought to, A far larger data base would be required to tell whether there was any change there in the twentieth century, although we may suspect that there is some change in these areas.
While, in the future, it may be possible to test Notes for advanced students changes in these areas by reference to psycholinguistic tests which have been carried out since the s, we have no The analysis of concord presented in section 3.
For a simple be possible and might prove to be rewarding. For example, example of the type of test meant, see Johansson Corbett presents an analysis of concord in which he The question of between you and I instead of between you predicts the relative frequencies of singular and plural and me is an interesting one from the point of view of concord in different categories: verbal concord, pronominal syntactic change.
Between you and I has long been a non- concord, and so on. Nixon gives figures from The standard form of English, and it is being heard more and Times which support such a distinction. Watson more in otherwise standard contexts. Several of my suggests semantico-pragmatic reasons why some nouns colleagues use it consistently, even in lectures or in appear to be more open to plural concord than others.
The Where singular concord is used, there is also concord of change is the degree to which this construction is now gender to consider. It is a curiosity of the Times corpus, for accepted as being a formal one, or the degree to which this example, that the enemy is masculine between approximately is now viewed as standard English. Variability in pronoun and , but neuter outside that period.
See also usage is actually more widespread than this single example section 5. Countries provide an interesting case. In shows. Consider, for example British and New Zealand Englishes they tend to be singular The news was broken to him by Dexter's phone call to him at when regarded as political entities, but plural when regarded Leicester's Grace Road where So we tend to read, for instance, New together in opposition.
There are also cases where a form ending in -self is used Kruisinga and Erades , I, p. This is not supported by my data, and there may be a subsidiary We specialized in gypsy styles modelled by myself. AL TB, p. One result of this, however, is that the figures Exercises cannot be used to extrapolate to years outside the framework of they only show the trend for those years and in this type of data.
As might be expected just from looking 1. An experiment entirely parallel to the one with the comparative and superlative can be carried out with at Figure 3. Has there been a change from The eat's significant trend. You will need to take care in collecting which change is taking place. Studies which have considered your data, since both -'s and oJhave other uses than that of factors such as the definiteness of the noun which the showing actual possession.
It would be advisable to collect relative clause modifies or whether or not the relative clause only examples in which a paraphrase with have or possess or interrupts the main clause Romaine, ; Kikai et al.
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